WEA-RLC Research and Analysis Report

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*Tackling the Root Cause of Christian Persecution in Eritrea*

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November 29, 2010

Eritrea, one of Africa ¢â‚¬â„¢s newest and smallest countries, has jailed, tortured and
killed numerous evangelical protestant Christians over the last eight years.
Concerns over Christian persecution have been raised at various international
forums, but there has been little change in the attitude and policy of the
one-party government. That ¢â‚¬â„¢s because the root cause of growing religious
restrictions in the country remains intact.

The man behind religious persecution, Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki, is a
 ¢â‚¬Å“Christian. ¢â‚¬  He is a member of the Eritrean Orthodox Tewahedo Church, an
Oriental Orthodox church, in the capital city of Asmara  ¢â‚¬“ belonging to the
largest among the only three Christian denominations allowed to function in the
country. However, 64-year-old Afewerki has the reputation of being an alcoholic,
and a ruthless autocrat.

Afewerki, the leader of the ruling People ¢â‚¬â„¢s Front for Democracy and Justice
party, not only targets  ¢â‚¬Å“unregistered ¢â‚¬  Christian groups, but also the leadership
of his own denomination, the (Coptic) Orthodox Church of Eritrea, as well as
 ¢â‚¬Å“unrecognised ¢â‚¬  non-Sunni Muslims and followers of the Baha ¢â‚¬â„¢i faith.

Afewerki ¢â‚¬â„¢s policy of restrictions is more about his fear that religion will
mobilize people than religion per se. In other words, he wants to restrict and
pre-empt any formation of people ¢â‚¬â„¢s association.

This is why the government has not allowed any political opposition in the
country or civil society  ¢â‚¬“ there are no protests or unions either. Anyone who
has openly criticized the government or tried to mobilize people for a cause has
been jailed or had to flee the country. There is no privately-owned news media
because impartial news organizations are seen as a tool of the United States
intelligence CIA.

The government sees democracy as a threat to the nation ¢â‚¬â„¢s unity and stability,
on which Afewerki has concentrated its efforts in his 17 years of rule  ¢â‚¬“ without
seeking people ¢â‚¬â„¢s approval by an election.

Afewerki ¢â‚¬â„¢s anxiety  ¢â‚¬“ real or pretentious  ¢â‚¬“ can be seen against the backdrop of
the complex geopolitics in the Horn of Africa (Northeast Africa containing the
countries of Eritrea, Djibouti, Ethiopia and Somalia).

Eritrea ¢â‚¬â„¢s strategic importance  ¢â‚¬“ it has a 1,150-km Red Sea coastline and
abundant mineral resources (nearly 60 percent of the lands in Eritrea have
minerals including emeralds and gold)  ¢â‚¬“ has been like a curse in disguise. It
has been invaded and colonized by many external forces, including the Arabians,
the Turks, the Portuguese and the Egyptians, and more recently, by the British
and the Italians. After the colonial powers left, Eritrea was annexed by its
giant neighbor, Ethiopia, in 1952. Eritrea gained independence in 1991 after a
30-year war. But border disputes with Ethiopia still remain.

Since Afewerki became the President in 1993, his government imposed severe civil
and political restrictions citing threat from Ethiopia as the prime national
interest. Presidential elections were planned for 1997, but they were not held
under the same disguise.

Particularly after a war with Ethiopia from 1998 to 2000  ¢â‚¬“ which cost Eritrea
around 70,000 lives  ¢â‚¬“Afewerki, who led the country to independence from
Ethiopia, became over-suspicious and a lot more autocratic.

As part of its policy of extreme caution against external threats, the
government in 2002 imposed restrictions also on religious groups other than the
four recognized religious denominations  ¢â‚¬“ the Orthodox Church of Eritrea; Sunni
Islam; the Roman Catholic Church; and the Evangelical Church of Eritrea
(Lutheran). The government asked unregistered groups to furnish financial and
membership details as an excuse to outlaw them.

By imposing restrictions, the government sought to target mainly Protestant
Evangelical and Pentecostal Christian denominations, which grew in numbers
during the two-year war with Ethiopia. Many youngsters in the army  ¢â‚¬“ mainly
those serving under the nation ¢â‚¬â„¢s compulsory national service programme  ¢â‚¬“ became
followers of these denominations and would meet secretly for prayer and Bible
study. But the government was nervous about youth with military background
meeting together.

The government ¢â‚¬â„¢s concern remains till today. Although most groups submitted the
details sought by the government and applied for registration, the ban remains
active till today.

For similar reasons, the recognized churches also faced intrusion and still
aren ¢â‚¬â„¢t allowed to criticize any government policy. In 2005, when Patriarch of
the Eritrean Orthodox Church spoke against state interference in the church ¢â‚¬â„¢s
internal matters, he was put under house arrest and replaced by another church
leader.

The government also fears  ¢â‚¬“ or claims to do so  ¢â‚¬“ that religious freedom will
lead to evangelism by Christian groups and thereby cause social tensions which
can be exploited by  ¢â‚¬Å“outside forces ¢â‚¬  to destabilize the nation. The Muslims  ¢â‚¬“
the eastern and western lowlands  ¢â‚¬“ and the Christians  ¢â‚¬“ mainly highlanders  ¢â‚¬“ are
equal in number in the country, and this balance is seen as a key factor that
has kept communal violence at bay. Eritrea has a population of over 5 million.
Due to its alleged fears, the Eritrean government has imprisoned tens of
thousands of people, mainly for political and religious reasons, and tortured
and killed many of them extra-judicially. It is estimated that between 2,000 and
3,000 Christians are in Eritrean prisons.

The Constitution of Eritrea, which provides freedom of religion for all faiths,
was ratified in 1997 but has not been implemented  ¢â‚¬“ for the same excuse that the
nation is under threat.

Ethiopia is the main but not the only source of fear for Eritrea. Eritrea has
troubled relations with most of its neighbours  ¢â‚¬“ Sudan, Ethiopia, Yemen, Somalia
and Djibouti. Relations are strained also with the United States, the European
Union as well as the African Union.

In 2009, the UN Security Council imposed sanctions on Eritrea for its support of
the Somali Islamic insurgency  ¢â‚¬“ Islamist groups like al-Shabab and Hisbul-Islam,
which see Ethiopia as an enemy, are fighting for control of the capital city of
Mogadishu. In protest, Eritrea suspended its membership of the African Union
alleging that the United States was behind the move.

Afewerki dislikes the United States because Ethiopia is a strategic partner in
the global war on terror and Washington has allegedly neglected the grievances
Eritrea has had with Ethiopia concerning the border dispute.

The State of Eritrea is believed to be crumbling given its isolation and
economically poverty (as per the latest Global Hunger Index, Eritrea is among
the world ¢â‚¬â„¢s top 10 countries with the worst levels of hunger), though gradually.
It is highly doubtful that the Afewerki government will be able to sustain the
unity and stability of the nation with its authoritarian rule for much longer.
Analysts say citizens inside the country and the Eritrean diaspora are losing
patience and may rise up against the authoritarian government. Especially those
compelled to serve in the army may pose a threat to the government. If
Afewerki ¢â‚¬â„¢s government falls, as a result of a people ¢â‚¬â„¢s movement, it will take a
heavy toll on people ¢â‚¬â„¢s lives, including that of Christians, as the government
will overreact.

More desirable will be change through cautious engagement with Eritrea by
nations and blocs that care for democracy and prosperity in that country.
However, no engagement without helping minimize tensions between Eritrea and
Ethiopia can be fruitful. Once that happens, the nation will have to eventually
implement the constitution, hold multi-party elections, release political and
religious prisoners and grant equal rights to adherents of all faiths.

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The World Evangelical Alliance (WEA) Religious Liberty Commission (RLC) sponsors
this WEA-RLC Research & Analysis Report to help individuals and groups pray for
and act on religious liberty issues around the world. This report was researched
and written by Fernando Perez, and can be used with attribution to WEA-RLC.
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