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‘THINKING CHRISTIANLY’ ABOUT THE ISSUE OF PASTORS AND SEXUAL MISCONDUCT.

The article ‘Leaders Deny Widespread Sexual Misbehaviour’ in last month’s Victorian Baptist Witness raised some of the most painful questions facing today’s church. The March 15 ABC-TV Compass program claimed that 15% or more of clergy have sexually abused people in their congregations. And, of course, the secular media take up this sort of issue with glee. In the 1980’s TV evangelists were misbehaving – now it’s clergy generally…

Your article also called into question the conclusion I have reached from ten years’ research among pastors across all denominations that the 15% figure was, if anything, conservative. Perhaps it’s now appropriate to very briefly offer some comments about that claim.

1. In the literature search for a PhD I am currently pursuing on the subject, plus confidential private conversations with over 1000 pastors, their spouses, denominational leaders and key parishioners; addressing an average of one pastors’ conference per week throughout Australia and in other countries; and some wide reading of books and articles on the struggles of being a parish clergyperson, I have come to believe there are very heavy pressures and temptations facing our clergy that are unique to our age and culture. Journal articles and personal letters I have collected now occupy five full foolscap filing drawers.

I also belong to a consortium of about 40 counselors-of-clergy which meets once a year in Colorado Springs. The statistics of clergy sexual offenses they offer from the North American scene are somewhat higher than I believe is the case in Australia. And in our country the incidence of ‘sexual adventuring’ varies from denomination to denomination. The denomination I know best and am proud to belong to – Australian Baptists – may derive some comfort from the best informed expert opinion that they have a better record in this area than most others!

2. In my experience, the majority of clergy, their spouses, and those involved in ‘sexual adventures’ with clergy – whether hetero- or homosexual – have not told their denominational superiors. The best people to provide statistics in this area are not bishops or general superintendents but confessors. One obvious reason for this is that there is a role conflict between the authority-figure’s being a key person in the clergyperson’s vocational future, and their function as ‘pastor pastorum’.

3. Again, in my experience, the majority of adulterous relationships involving clergy have a ‘mutuality factor’ built into them. ‘Sexual abuse’ is the wrong term to describe most of these liaisons. This, of course, is not to deny that some clergy take advantage of their position to seduce parishioners or counselees. (Or that counselees sometimes deliberately set out to seduce clergy). The rationale I’ve heard some American pastors give for this behaviour is ‘fornication therapy’ – a terrible indictment of both their lack of professional ethics and Christian integrity.

4. Clergy are now almost the last helping professionals to visit clients/parishioners of the opposite sex in the privacy of their homes, increasing opportunities for succumbing to sexual temptation.

5. The most important factor of all: Christian leaders are in the ‘front line’ when Satan attacks Christ’s church. The three primal temptations – involving money, sex, and power – are more seductive than they have ever been. In most pastors’ conferences I hear myself saying: ‘The devil has a particular strategy to destroy your ministry, your church, and your denomination: you’d better know what it is. You have to identify the enemy’s intentions and tactics if you are to counter them with the spiritual weapons at our disposal.’

6. Should we sweep this whole issue under the ecclesiastical carpet? No. The apostles didn’t, and I agree with St. Gregory the Great’s dictum: ‘It is better that scandals arise than that truth be silenced.’

OK, so much for the problems, what can be done about it all?

1. PRAY for your pastors that they will not fall into these temptations, that they will be ‘strong in the strength of Christ Jesus’, who was also tempted in every way – including sexually – as we are, and understands us, accepts us and loves us.

2. REPENT of your own Pharisaism. With Pharisees repentance precedes acceptance, with Jesus it was the other way around. The vast majority of ‘sexual sinners’ – inside or outside the churches – have not got the feeling they’re sincerely loved by most Christians. Sexual sinners in Jesus’ day had no doubts he loved them (while, of course, commanding them to ‘go and sin no more’).

3. ENCOURAGE pastors to join a prayer/support group, and/or regularly seek Spiritual Direction. They are the loneliest people in our community, and that dramatically increases their propensity for succumbing to temptation. Some denominations here and overseas are appointing ‘pastors’ friends’ to provide counseling, encouragement and support. Those appointees are ideally elected from among the pastors themselves, and are not on any denominational committees, or report to denominational ‘officials’.

4. MARRIAGE ENRICHMENT courses are very helpful: why not discreetly pay for your pastor and spouse to go away to one?

5. PROVIDE a church office for pastors to do most of their counseling, rather than in private homes.

6. IF YOUR CHURCH is into ‘holy kissing’ and hugging, be explicit about how to be discreet in those behaviours. One church leader I’ve heard about has become notorious for hugging women ‘front on’, and women instinctively know they are the victims of a lustful attitude.

7. Our THEOLOGICAL COLLEGES are coming to terms with these issues in their Pastoral Theology courses: let’s encourage this trend.

8. READ some of the many excellent articles and books now being written in this area. Perhaps begin with John Sandford’s excellent book Why Some Christians Commit Adultery (Victory House, Tulsa, 1989)).

The sexuality (or asexuality) and sexual practices (or celibacy) of holy people have always fascinated other mortals. When moralistic televangelists have their adulteries exposed, the news pushes superpower politics to page three. Morris West’s story of the spiritual and sexual struggles of a candidate for sainthood in The Devil’s Advocate sells over sixteen million copies, and is made into a film. Another bestseller – John Updike’s A Month of Sundays – describes in erotic detail the scandal of Rev. Tom Marshfield’s adventures with ladies in his parish. Andrew Greeley’s novels about the sins of cardinals etc. make us wonder how a celibate priest can know so much about some things. And for some real-life stories about the sexual frustrations of Catholic priests and religious there is the 525-page book (with index and selected bibliography) Desire and Denial: Sexuality and Vocation – a Church in Crisis by Gordon Thomas (London: Grafton Books, 1986).

Priestly and pastoral infidelity is now a matter for serious sociological study. The book Sexual Practices & the Medieval Church has been placed in the two-hour loan reserve section of Melbourne’s Monash University library. An article titled ‘Puritan perverts’ in The Sociological Review (February 1985) lists amazingly disparate male and female religious leaders accused of various improprieties. (Why? Researcher Steve Bruce suggests two factors: opportunity, and emotionally charged settings in which people are ‘religious o’ermuch’). Conservative evangelical Christianity Today’s ‘Leadership’ magazine devoted its Winter ’88 issue to such matters as ‘After the Affair: A [Pastor’s] Wife’s Story’, and ‘Private Sins of Public Ministry’. I photocopied an excellent article from Ministry (January 1987) – ‘Battling Sexual Indiscretion’ (‘Is your sex drive under control? Why are ministers more vulnerable than most other people?’) – to hand out at clergy conferences. A recent issue of Australian Ministry (May 1990) contains an evocative fable ‘Sexual Harassment in the Church’. Then we have Newsweek (Sept. 11, 1989) and other magazines running articles like ‘When a Pastor Turns Seducer’…

The latest offering in this genre, David Rice’s Shattered Vows: Exodus from the Priesthood, is a passionate plea to the Roman Catholic church to make celibacy optional and open its priesthood to married clergy. His statistics are alarming: an estimated 100,000 priests worldwide have left active ministry over a 25-year period, with another 200,000 priests ‘failing to observe celibacy’ (p.171). During the same period we have witnessed a serious decline in vocations: in the year 2000 the U.S. will have seen the number of priests diminish by half, with an average age of 65!

David Rice is a laicised Irish Dominican, and head of the Dublin School of Journalism. He spent a year traveling the world talking to priests, bishops, and ex-priests (442 of them) and their families. Rice is careful to preserve anonymity when requested, but a lot of people are willing to be identified. He chronicles many heroic commitments to ministry and but also struggles (by priests wearing ‘give-away’ grey faces) with loneliness, and disillusionment with the church-as-unfeeling-institution. He is brutally honest – particularly about ‘the shadow side of celibacy’ (that will be the chapter you’ll hear about in the secular media when this book hits the fan). He writes as a participant observer: Rice left the priesthood in 1977 to marry.

This book offers a devastating critique of two related matters: the institutional bureaucracy of the Roman Catholic church, and that Church’s rationale for clerical celibacy.

1. The Church-as-institution. Malcolm Muggeridge once said he’d like to take Jesus around the Vatican and watch his reactions. Well-known parish priest in London’s Bayswater parish, Father Michael Hollings, said to the author: ‘Canon law is strangling the Church. I think if Jesus Christ came today, he’d be condemned by the Curia’ (p.144). ‘The deeper into the institutional Church I penetrated,’ Rice complains, ‘the higher up the pyramid of Church authority I went, the more indifference and sometimes cruelty I encountered’ (p.66). ‘[Other groups’] harshness is usually softened by structures like courts and juries to ensure fair play. But the Church has not yet developed such structures, so there is nothing to protect the individual from the fury of its defense mechanisms’ (p.89). Happy priests tend to distance themselves from the issues and agendas of the institutional Church (p.146). And one study published by U.S. bishops found the most frequently mentioned reason for priests leaving was a ‘feeling that they could no longer live within the structure of the Church… Priests leave because they perceive the changes in thinking at Vatican Two have not been made concrete through parallel changes in structure’ (p.177).

The worst structure, says Rice, is clericalism, the essence of which is a kind of ecclesiastical apartheid. And ‘the great bulwark of clericalism [is] enforced celibacy’ (p.190).

2. Celibacy. Priest-sociologist Andrew Greeley (Confessions of a Parish Priest) says his research proves that Humanae Vitae (the birth-control encyclical) is the main reason Catholics are leaving their Church. David Rice is absolutely sure that compulsory celibacy is the main reason priests leave that Church. Celibacy, when it works, works very well, but when it does not work, it can be horrid. Celibacy is not chastity: celibacy is the permanent state of being unmarried. Chastity, for the unmarried, means abstaining from genital sexual activity. Compulsory celibacy, says Rice ‘simply does not work’ (pp.157, 172 etc.). He cites one study which estimated that at any one time no more than 50 per cent of American priests practise celibacy (p.170).

There are powerful arguments for freely chosen celibacy, but none for enforced celibacy. So why insist on it? For part of the answer we must go back to the Council of Trent. Protestants were recommending marriage for priests, insisting that celibacy was God’s gift only to a few. ‘Therefore’, says Rice, (quoting a Professor Jedin), ‘the Church entrenched its position and did not let itself discuss the problem…’ (p.222).

And so you have anomalies like a resigned married priest in Columbia being put in jail after celebrating Mass, for ‘usurping the powers of the clergy’ (p.123), whilst in other dioceses bishops are sometimes allowing married priests to continue their ordained ministries. Indeed, the American National Opinion Research Centre says 79% of Catholics would prefer a married priest as their pastor (p.198).

The final article in the Code of Canon Law is ‘In ecclesia, suprema lex, salus animarum’ – in the Church, the supreme law is the salvation of souls. But millions of souls now exist without priest and eucharist because of the Vatican’s ‘putting people’s needs last, and the institution’s survival first’ (p.190). Sociologist Robert Merton has shown that bureaucracies are degenerative. They end up defending their own entrenched interests (especially their power) before the needs of those they were founded to serve. Pharisaism is essentially putting mechanical obedience to regulations above the human needs of people (p.185). The ban on contraception and the enforcement of celibacy are both undermining the credibility of the Church-as-institution. As is the widespread practice of turning a blind eye to the priest and house-keeper living in adultery, but withholding dispensations from those who want to legitimize their relationship. ‘So we find the Vatican forbidding employment of married priests, withholding dispensations from men long married, sometimes until their deathbed, and failing in the simple courtesy of even acknowledging receipt of the petitions for dispensation. And we hear of the Pope saying, “I’m in no hurry. We didn’t leave them: they left us.” I suppose it is understandable: the institution perceives the married priest as a threat to its structures. But it is sad, and so different from the father of the Prodigal Son, who came running to meet him’ (p.242).

A footnote: David Rice wonders (p.44) why ex-priests ‘are not sought out and cared for by the Church they once served.’ It’s the supreme ‘forbidden topic: those 100,000 have ceased to exist’ (p.238). It’s not only a Catholic problem. Many of the estimated 10,000 ex-clergy in Australia from all denominations feel betrayed by their churches. This reviewer is currently researching this phenomenon in the Protestant and Pentecostal churches.

David Rice, Shattered Vows: Exodus from the Priesthood (London: Michael Joseph, 1989, hb, 280pp. Available in Australia from Penguin Books, 487 Maroondah Highway, Ringwood, 3134. RRP $35).

Rowland Croucher

Rowland Croucher is an Australian Baptist pastor, working full-time as a writer and speaker at clergy and church leaders’ conferences. He is currently pursuing a Ph.D on the topic ‘Ex-Clergy: What Happens when Pastors leave the Parish Ministry’.

STRESS AND SEXUALITY

Visited Salzburg Cathedral, and the tour guide read: ‘This fine early baroque cathedral with its two symmetrical towers, fine marble facade, and massive bronze doors was consecrated in 1628. When fire destroyed the previous late Romanesque cathedral in 1598, Archbishop Wolf Dietrich wanted to build a new one larger than St. Peter’s in Rome. But he was condemned for misconduct (he had 12 children by Simone Alt, his mistress…).

One of the great American novelists, Nathaneal Hawthorn, in his The Scarlet Letter, – New England Puritans, who represent par excellence, the way of oppression and denial. Woman Hester Prynn ? and Rev. Mr. Dinnisdale ? – HP becomes pregnant out of wedlock – community isolates her causes her to wear on her breast ? a large letter ‘A’. As the novel progresses, this A stands for many things. In the Puritan community she’s adulterous. But later you wonder whether it could be ‘angel’. She’s pregant to Rev. Mr. D, who’s going through hell knowing he’s the father, though nobody else but Hester Pr knows this. Agonizing over the enormous contradictions… more and more ascending in the respect of those he’s ministering to. Hawthorn seems to come close to saying sin is good. As Irenaeus put it, Adam has to fall. The only path to salvation is through falling from grace. The only way to grace is to fall from grace in the first place.

I read only four or five newspapers or newsmagazines a week, and about two or three religious papers/journals. In the last couple of years I’ve clipped 47 articles on ministry and sexuality. Samples: * ‘Unholy Scndals on the Path of Righteousness’ * ‘Sexual Abuse Within the Clergy’ * ‘Sex Abuse Cases Rock the Clergy’ * ‘Priest Sexually Assaulted Young People, Court Told’ * ‘Church Denies Cover-Up on Archbishop’ * ‘Priests Have Active Sex Lives – Study’ * ‘Sexual Molestation of Children by Church Workers’ * ‘A Priest Dies of AIDS’ * ‘Cleric Fined for Indecent Assault’ * ‘Bishop in Love Letters Hush-up…’ * ‘$1000 fine for Priest: Girl fondled, court told…’ * ‘Sex in the Forbidden Zone’ * ‘After the Affair: A Wife’s Story (A pastor’s wife describes the impact of her husband’s adultery…) * ‘Private Sins of Public Ministry’ * ‘When a Pastor Turns Seducer’ * ‘Sexual Harassment in the Church…’

The line spoken by the defrocked preacher in John Steinbeck’s The Grapes of Wrath: ‘There ain’t no sin and there ain’t no virtue. There is just stuff people do. And some of the things folks do is nice and some ain’t nice, but that’s as far as anyone got a right to say…’

Sexual intimacy is an expression of a larger reality: our need for love, for belonging, for closeness.

At a conference in Colorado Springs, November 1990, for counselors of clergy, I was told: ‘The senior minister of one of the largest Episcopal churches in the U.S., had two days a week when his secretaries simply filled in his counseling appointments book. He found, over time, a high incidence of women Frank Lake termed ‘histrionic/hysterical’ would ask for his last morning or afternoon sessions…’

G.K.Chesterton says our civilization is like a desert island on which a ship has wrecked. The castaways wander around picking up treasures – gold coins, fine clothing, a compass: good things, but now not related to their original purpose. A lot of things in our fallen world are like that: originally good and meaningful, now dislodged from their original context and intention.

Glorify God in our bodies. Immoral society.

Leadership (Winter 1988), Christianity Today’s journal for church leaders, in a survey on the sexual temptations pastors face found that 70% of the respondents felt pastors are particularly vulnerable in this area; one in five said they had some form of inappropriate ‘sexual contact’ with someone other than their spouse since they had been in pastoral ministry. The cause: ‘physical and emotional attraction’ (78%), ‘marital dissatisfaction’ 41%. Gary Collins, a well-known American psychologist and professor of counseling, said the problem was our seminaries’ preparing people to minister in a Victorian age when we live in a Corinthian age. What are the consequences of inappropriate sexual behaviour? Collins asks: ‘What are these people doing with the guilt and the fear that they’ll be found out? [Such fear] tends to push pastors toward one of two extremes. It either makes them tentative, holding back even from healthy involvement with other people, or it leads them to preach strongly against sexual sin so the congregation won’t suspect what they’ve done’.

Almost half of the pastors surveyed said they had no one they could comfortably talk to about sexual problems. Larry Crabb (1988: 12,13) another psychologist/professor, says pastors aren’t encouraged to admit their vulnerability: ‘It’s rare for a pastor to feel comfortable as anything other than a model Christian. Most churches require their pastors to live in denial.’

Margaret Evening, a missionary teacher, remarks in her book Who Walk Alone about ‘the strange phenomenon, observed by missionaries, of a higher incidence of sexual immorality following a religious revival.’ (Leadership Winter 1988?).

‘Fervent prayer,’ she observes,’ often heightens our awareness and longing for love in all directions and not only Godwards… Prayer not only expresses love but engenders it too.’

Researchers suggest that the same passion leading to spiritual fervour and the passion leading to sexual activity stem from the same kind of physiological chemistry. (Shelley, 1988:3).

Pastors – tempted to misuse privilege of the confessional/ counseling situation. Crass: You want love? I’ll give it to you. To the pastor who seduced a gullible woman when the two of them were alone rehearsing for a baptismal service.

Guidelines/ experienced pastors and counselors suggest:

* Watch and pray, lest you enter into temptation (not just sin)! The spirit may be willing, but the flesh is weak. There is no sin you could not commit: take heed lest you fall (1 Corinthians 10).

* Maintain a disciplined spiritual life: take occasional or regular retreats; find a spiritual director and be honest in that relationship.

* Acknowledge that sexual attraction is normal: the issue is not its occurrence, but how it is dealt with by counselor and counselee when it occurs (Rassieur, 1976).

* Understand your own sexuality, your vulnerabilities and weaknesses, and female sexuality

* Enhance your marriage: marriage enrichment; plan time together, write it into your diary, and you can say ‘I have a commitment that night’ to anyone who wants you for something else. Realize that your marriage is a constant choice of one another, over and above and beyond any other sexual attraction.

* Take precautions. Set limits on male-female counseling relationships. Some women with unresolved anxieties or hostility can be attracted to the mystique of the pastor. She’ll come on with a ‘You probably don’t have anyone to talk to, who understands you’ kind of line: it may either be a conscious or unconscious seduction/infatuation at work. Resist talking with members of the opposite sex about your own private sex-life. When counseling, the door should be shut for confidentiality, but counsel in a building where other people are obviously around. Pastors who visit members of the opposite sex alone in their homes are asking for trouble!

* Watch for signs that indicate your attraction to a counselee. Ask yourself: Do I enjoy talking to this person more than to my spouse? Are we too easily finding reasons to meet and talk? Do I enjoy too much physical contact when we pray or hug?

* There are biblical principles: coveting what belongs to someone else; relating to the ‘weaker brother/sister’; ‘fleeing immorality’ (if it can happen to Solomon, David, Samson and many other Christian leaders ancient and modern, it could happen to you!).

The sexuality (or asexuality) and sexual practices (or celibacy) of holy people have always fascinated other mortals. When moralistic televangelists have their adulteries exposed, the news pushes superpower politics to page three. Morris West’s story of the spiritual and sexual struggles of a candidate for sainthood in The Devil’s Advocate sells over sixteen million copies, and is made into a film. Another bestseller – John Updike’s A Month of Sundays – describes in erotic detail the scandal of Rev. Tom Marshfield’s adventures with ladies in his parish. Andrew Greeley’s novels about the sins of cardinals etc. make us wonder how a celibate priest can know so much about some things. And for some real-life stories about the sexual frustrations of Catholic priests and religious there is the 525-page book (with index and selected bibliography) Desire and Denial: Sexuality and Vocation – a Church in Crisis by Gordon Thomas (London: Grafton Books, 1986).

Priestly and pastoral infidelity is now a matter for serious sociological study. The book Sexual Practices & the Medieval Church has been placed in the two-hour loan reserve section of Melbourne’s Monash University library. An article titled ‘Puritan perverts’ in The Sociological Review (February 1985) lists amazingly disparate male and female religious leaders accused of various improprieties. (Why? Researcher Steve Bruce suggests two factors: opportunity, and emotionally charged settings in which people are ‘religious o’ermuch’). Conservative evangelical Christianity Today’s ‘Leadership’ magazine devoted its Winter ’88 issue to such matters as ‘After the Affair: A [Pastor’s] Wife’s Story’, and ‘Private Sins of Public Ministry’. I photocopied an excellent article from Ministry (January 1987) – ‘Battling Sexual Indiscretion’ (‘Is your sex drive under control? Why are ministers more vulnerable than most other people?’) – to hand out at clergy conferences. A recent issue of Australian Ministry (May 1990) contains an evocative fable ‘Sexual Harassment in the Church’. Then we have Newsweek (Sept. 11, 1989) and other magazines running articles like ‘When a Pastor Turns Seducer’…

The latest offering in this genre, David Rice’s Shattered Vows: Exodus from the Priesthood, is a passionate plea to the Roman Catholic church to make celibacy optional and open its priesthood to married clergy. His statistics are alarming: an estimated 100,000 priests worldwide have left active ministry over a 25-year period, with another 200,000 priests ‘failing to observe celibacy’ (p.171). During the same period we have witnessed a serious decline in vocations: in the year 2000 the U.S. will have seen the number of priests diminish by half, with an average age of 65!

David Rice is a laicised Irish Dominican, and head of the Dublin School of Journalism. He spent a year traveling the world talking to priests, bishops, and ex-priests (442 of them) and their families. Rice is careful to preserve anonymity when requested, but a lot of people are willing to be identified. He chronicles many heroic commitments to ministry and but also struggles (by priests wearing ‘give-away’ grey faces) with loneliness, and disillusionment with the church-as-unfeeling-institution. He is brutally honest – particularly about ‘the shadow side of celibacy’ (that will be the chapter you’ll hear about in the secular media when this book hits the fan). He writes as a participant observer: Rice left the priesthood in 1977 to marry.

This book offers a devastating critique of two related matters: the institutional bureaucracy of the Roman Catholic church, and that Church’s rationale for clerical celibacy.

1. The Church-as-institution. Malcolm Muggeridge once said he’d like to take Jesus around the Vatican and watch his reactions. Well-known parish priest in London’s Bayswater parish, Father Michael Hollings, said to the author: ‘Canon law is strangling the Church. I think if Jesus Christ came today, he’d be condemned by the Curia’ (p.144). ‘The deeper into the institutional Church I penetrated,’ Rice complains, ‘the higher up the pyramid of Church authority I went, the more indifference and sometimes cruelty I encountered’ (p.66). ‘[Other groups’] harshness is usually softened by structures like courts and juries to ensure fair play. But the Church has not yet developed such structures, so there is nothing to protect the individual from the fury of its defense mechanisms’ (p.89). Happy priests tend to distance themselves from the issues and agendas of the institutional Church (p.146). And one study published by U.S. bishops found the most frequently mentioned reason for priests leaving was a ‘feeling that they could no longer live within the structure of the Church… Priests leave because they perceive the changes in thinking at Vatican Two have not been made concrete through parallel changes in structure’ (p.177).

The worst structure, says Rice, is clericalism, the essence of which is a kind of ecclesiastical apartheid. And ‘the great bulwark of clericalism [is] enforced celibacy’ (p.190).

2. Celibacy. Priest-sociologist Andrew Greeley (Confessions of a Parish Priest) says his research proves that Humanae Vitae (the birth-control encyclical) is the main reason Catholics are leaving their Church. David Rice is absolutely sure that compulsory celibacy is the main reason priests leave that Church. Celibacy, when it works, works very well, but when it does not work, it can be horrid. Celibacy is not chastity: celibacy is the permanent state of being unmarried. Chastity, for the unmarried, means abstaining from genital sexual activity. Compulsory celibacy, says Rice ‘simply does not work’ (pp.157, 172 etc.). He cites one study which estimated that at any one time no more than 50 per cent of American priests practise celibacy (p.170).

There are powerful arguments for freely chosen celibacy, but none for enforced celibacy. So why insist on it? For part of the answer we must go back to the Council of Trent. Protestants were recommending marriage for priests, insisting that celibacy was God’s gift only to a few. ‘Therefore’, says Rice, (quoting a Professor Jedin), ‘the Church entrenched its position and did not let itself discuss the problem…’ (p.222).

And so you have anomalies like a resigned married priest in Columbia being put in jail after celebrating Mass, for ‘usurping the powers of the clergy’ (p.123), whilst in other dioceses bishops are sometimes allowing married priests to continue their ordained ministries. Indeed, the American National Opinion Research Centre says 79% of Catholics would prefer a married priest as their pastor (p.198).

The final article in the Code of Canon Law is ‘In ecclesia, suprema lex, salus animarum’ – in the Church, the supreme law is the salvation of souls. But millions of souls now exist without priest and eucharist because of the Vatican’s ‘putting people’s needs last, and the institution’s survival first’ (p.190). Sociologist Robert Merton has shown that bureaucracies are degenerative. They end up defending their own entrenched interests (especially their power) before the needs of those they were founded to serve. Pharisaism is essentially putting mechanical obedience to regulations above the human needs of people (p.185). The ban on contraception and the enforcement of celibacy are both undermining the credibility of the Church-as-institution. As is the widespread practice of turning a blind eye to the priest and house-keeper living in adultery, but withholding dispensations from those who want to legitimize their relationship. ‘So we find the Vatican forbidding employment of married priests, withholding dispensations from men long married, sometimes until their deathbed, and failing in the simple courtesy of even acknowledging receipt of the petitions for dispensation. And we hear of the Pope saying, “I’m in no hurry. We didn’t leave them: they left us.” I suppose it is understandable: the institution perceives the married priest as a threat to its structures. But it is sad, and so different from the father of the Prodigal Son, who came running to meet him’ (p.242).

A footnote: David Rice wonders (p.44) why ex-priests ‘are not sought out and cared for by the Church they once served.’ It’s the supreme ‘forbidden topic: those 100,000 have ceased to exist’ (p.238). It’s not only a Catholic problem. Many of the estimated 10,000 ex-clergy in Australia from all denominations feel betrayed by their churches. This reviewer is currently researching this phenomenon in the Protestant and Pentecostal churches.

Basham, Lead Us Not Into Temptation

Crabb, L., 1988 (Winter), Leadership, Christianity Today.

Fortune, Marie M. 1989, Is Nothing Sacred? When Sex Invades the Pastoral Relationship, San Francisco: Harper & Row.

Fuller, Cameron Lee [research]

Keller, W. Philip 1988, Predators in Our Pulpits, Eugene, Oregon: Harvest House Publishers.

Mowday, Lois, The Snare

Peterson, The Myth of the Greener Grass

Rassieur, Charles L. 1976, The Problem Clergymen Don’t Talk About, Westminster.

Rice, David 1989, Shattered Vows: Exodus from the Priesthood, London: Michael Joseph.

Sandford, John L. 1989, Why Some Christians Commit Adultery, Tulsa, Oklahoma: Victory House Inc.

Shelley, Marshall 1988 (Winter), Leadership, Christianity Today.

Sex in the Forbidden Zone

Sexual Ethics

Rowland Croucher

Rowland Croucher is an Australian Baptist pastor, working full-time as a writer and speaker at clergy and church leaders’ conferences. He is currently pursuing a Ph.D on the topic ‘Ex-Pastors: What Happens when clergy leave parish ministry’.

EX-PASTORS: WHAT HAPPENS WHEN CLERGY LEAVE PARISH MINISTRY?

1. THE PROBLEM.

2. ROLE THEORY, ROLE DISSONANCE AND THE ROLE EXIT PROCESS.

For our purposes, roles may be defined as the bundles of attributes and expectations associated with social positions. Social roles are highly complex patterns of living (Garfinkel 1967) and are at the core of our individual identities (Fein 1990).

Defining social roles is somewhat easier than developing a coherent role theory. In the 1950s, Robert Merton wrote confidently, ‘However much they may differ in other respects, contemporary sociological theorists are largely at one in adopting the premise that social statuses and social roles comprise major building blocks of contemporary social structure’ (1957: 341).

Twenty years later, according to R.W. Connell, while role ‘is part of the furniture of social sciences’, practitioners are not in agreement in their understanding of what constitutes role theory. Moreover in the development of an authentic social theory, ‘role theory will come to be seen as a particularly sterile diversion. The sooner it is buried, the better’ (1979: 7,16).

The 1980s did not produce a single generally accepted and well-defined statement of role theory. Biddle (1986: 68) refers to ‘damning reviews of role theory’, and yet concurs that it remains a widely used concept. Connell (1979:8) noted that ‘something like 200 papers specifically concerned with role are published each year in psychological and sociological journals; while Biddle (1986:67) asserts that a technical use of the term appears in least 10% of all articles in sociological journals. In a review of Ebaugh’s Becoming an Ex: The Process of Role Exit (1988), Loic J D Wacquant suggests that ‘role theory can do little more than systematize the obvious… It is time to cut this dead branch of functionalism and to exit from role theory’ (1990: 402).

Despite these ambiguities, we believe an eclectic approach is useful in understanding role dissonance and role stress. An overview of various approaches to role theory, and what constitutes role dissonance will be outlined, and an attempt made to integrate these various concepts in relation to the exiting of clergy from pastoral ministry.

THE CONCEPT OF ROLE

Linton (1936), using a theatrical metaphor, understood role as the dynamic aspect of status or ‘position’. Later usage has tended to apply the notion of role to both ‘status’ and ‘performance’, but there has been no consensus here. Summarizing the literature on role Biddle (1986) identifies a triad of concepts: characteristic social behaviours (Biddle 1979, Burt 1982); identities assumed by social participants (Winship & Mandel 1983); and scripts or expectations for social conduct (Bates & Harvey 1975, Zurcher 1983). Biddle (1979) identified 334 role-related concepts (Kuper and Kuper 1989:716).

Role Set

Whereas Linton believed that each person occupies multiple statuses each of which has an associated role, Robert Merton (1949, 1957) suggested that each social status involves a range of roles, a ‘role set’. A role set is the enmeshing of certain positions and roles. Because a ‘role is, in theory, never defined by itself… (but) is defined in relation to other possible roles’ (Connell, 1980; 10) ‘role set’ has become an intrinsic part of role theory.

ROLE THEORY

A ‘theory’ is ‘a set of propositions employing a consistent idiom that guides the search for facts’ (Sarbin and Allen 1968:489). Or, more loosely, ‘any abstract general account of an area of reality, usually including the use of formulation of general concepts’ (Jary & Jary, 1991: 658). Role theory ‘is the approach to social structure which locates its basic constraints in stereotyped interpersonal expectations’ (Connell 1979: 9). Connell (1979:8) suggests that the core of role theory can be spelt out in five points:

(1) An analytic distinction between the person and the social position (or place, office or status which she occupies), and (2) a set of actions (role behaviours, tasks, etc.) which are assigned to the position… (3) The assignment of actions to positions is specified by expectations (rules, prescriptions, norms etc.); (4) which are held by the occupants of counter-positions (ego and alter, role senders, reference groups etc.); (5) and enforced by the sanctions (positive and negative reinforcements, rewards etc.) which they apply to correct or incorrect performance by the occupant of the position.

Following Biddle (1986) five perspectives on role theory may be isolated: functional, symbolic interactionist, structural, organizational and cognitive.

Functional Role Theory

The dominant perspective in American role theory until the mid-1970s, this approach has focused on the characteristic behaviours of persons who occupy social positions within a stable social system. But social systems are not stable, so a conformist or deterministic view of roles and expectations does not easily square with contemporary reality.

Symbolic Interactionist Role Theory

This approach, which began with Mead (1934), focuses on the individual actors’ role, and the evolution of roles through social interaction. Social actors understand and interpret their own and others’ conduct and this facilitates ‘role-taking’. Indeed, as Goffman (1959) has suggested, ‘impression management’ and ‘role distancing’ are practised by actors who may adopt a tongue-in-cheek approach to role-demands of others. Brandon notes:

Symbolic interactionism provides a conceptual framework in which the integrity of each individual is acknowledged. Within this framework, persons act with initiative and individuality, sometimes reacting to the physical or social envirnoment as they perceive it, sometimes interacting with the environment to change it (1986:20).

A major criticism of symbolic interactionism is in its focus on micro-social processes at the expense of macroscopic structures.

Structural Role Theory

Burt (1976, 1982), Mandel (1983) and others propound a mathematically expressed, axiomatic theory concerning structured role relationships. Their emphasis is more on the social environment, and less on the individual. Social scientists generally have an aversion to theories expressed mathematically, and this approach has not attracted a significant following. Biddle comments:

Role theory is popular, in part, because it portrays persons as thinkers, thus purporting to explain both behaviours and phenomenal experience, while much of structural role theory ignores the latter. It is certainly possible to build a role theory that merely describes social structure, but one wonders whether the gain is worth the effort (1986:73).

Organizational Role Theory

Introduced by Gross et al (1958), and Kahn et al (1964) and further developed by Van Sell et al (1981) and Fisher and Gitelson (1983) this perspective has been popular with industrial sociologists. This version of role theory focuses on ‘social systems that are preplanned, task-oriented, and hierarchical’ (Biddle 1986: 73). Because all conflicts are seen as role conflicts they can be worked through to produce a happy and productive workplace. These roles are seen to be generated by normative expectations, but because norms vary, and come from multiple sources, role conflict results. This theory gives little place to roles that evolve or where roles are developed by nonnormative expectations.

Cognitive Role Theory

Cognitive role theorists focus on relationships between role expectations and behaviour: the effects of social conditions on expectations, techniques for measuring expectations and their impact on social contact. Subfields include Moreno’s (1934) concept of role playing (McNamara & Blumer 1982), group norms and the roles of leaders and followers (eg. Hollander 1985), theories of anticipatory role expectations (Rotter 1954, Kelly 1955, Tschudi & Rommetveit 1982), and role taking (Mead, 1934, also see eg. Eisenberg & Lennon 1983). Biddle (1979) ‘assumes that role expectations can appear simultaneously in at least three modes of thought: norms, preferences, and beliefs’ (Biddle 1986:75). Among other criticisms Biddle suggests that cognitive role theory relies too heavily on contemporary American culture and may focus on the individual and slight role phenomena associated with social positions. ‘For the present, however, cognitive role theory appears to have a broader empirical base than other perspectives in the field’ (Biddle 1986:76).

Towards an Integrated Model

This model is used by Brandon (1986) following Stryker (1980), Stryker and Serpe (1982) and Callero (1985) in his study of ministers in the Uniting Church in Australia. Self-definition and social networks each have effects on behaviour (Callero 1985:213). In modern symbolic interactionism the self is a structure of roles (Turner 1978), identities (Stryker, 1980) or role identities (McCall and Simmons, 1978). The role identities are defined in part by the social structure and in part by the individual.

Structural role theory dovetails with symbolic interactionism in that it ‘takes account of the complex way social structure organises actual behaviour, and provides sophisticated tools for conceptualizing this highly differentiated structure’ (Brandon 1986:21). Stryker does not use the terms ‘norms’ and ‘values’ which derive from structural role theory, but rather speaks of expectations. In a church situation these expectations may have almost normative connotations’ (Ibid. p.25). Brandon’s thesis is that there ‘are conventions at work within the corporate culture of the church which inhibit normal role-making processes between minister and lay people, and that misperceptions do occur’ (Ibid. p.28).

Implicit in Brandon’s methodology is the assumption that role theory and dissonance theory together provide a useful perspective on role stress from both the individual viewpoint and the organizational viewpoint (p.103). Brandon quotes Bodycomb (1983: 26):

Clergy stress is a fact of clergy life and is of such dimensions as to warrant serious research and recommendations. However, we should not assume that this is to be explained mainly by reference to causes or sources outside the clergyman. On the contrary, perhaps the basic element in the chemistry that produces clergy stress is the personality type.

These two perspectives are combined in Fein’s (1990) development of a resocialization perspective.

A Resocialization Perspective

According to Connell (1979: 12) ‘One of role theory’s major claims to significance is that through the concept of internalisation of role prescriptions it can give an account of social learning and personality formation.’

For Fein (1990:14) ‘roles are a combination of internal and external factors… the concept of social role is thus inherently both inter- and intra-personal.’ He is convinced that ‘most personal unhappiness is instigated by social role problems’ (p.ix). This perspective ‘holds that painful roles are created in socialization processes; to be overcome, they must be relinquished and new ones constructed in their place’ (p.ix). For Fein, ‘roles are patterns of interpersonal action that are guided by both internal and external directions. They are shaped by a person’s plans, thought, and feelings, and by the demands made by others’ (p.4).

The model is developed against the backdrop of problems between parent and child in the initial construction of role, and how these problems from aborted or failed roles may have resulted in dysfunctional role maintenance, and necessitate the painful process of role change. In terms of the present study, this is reflected in the questionnaire both in issues relating to childhood and to the self. But because Fein’s model is based on something having gone wrong in the initial construction of a role, it could also be relevant to problems in the first church pastored, or in a faulty negotiation of role in the other pastorates served.

The Role and the Person

‘Social roles are perceived and enacted against the background of the self’ (Sarbin and Allen 1968: 522). In all the interactions, the self is involved: the person is more than the role. Yet

other things being equal, when self characteristics are congruent with role requirements, role enactment is more effective, proper, and appropriate than when role and self are incongruent. By self-role congrunece we mean the degree of overlap or fittingness that exists between requirements of the role and the qualities of self (Ibid. p.524).

Qualities of self will include personality factors, perceptions, skills and attitudes.

While some roles are easy to put on or take off, ‘other roles are difficult to put aside when a situation is changed and continue to color the way in which many individuals’ roles are performed’ (Turner 1978: 1). When the attitudes and behaviour developed in one role carry over into another role, there is a merger of role with person – often a cause of conflict in a different role setting.

Merger of role and person occurs when a person identifies significantly with a particular role. For role/person merger there must be internal dynamics at work, not only external compliance with social pressure. This merger is more likely to occur in another’s perception when a person is seen only in one role. ‘When we see people regularly in an alternative and contradictory role, we are sensitized to the distinction between person and role and inhibited from making our usual automatic assumptions about the person behind the role’ (Turner 1979: 7).

Such a strong role/person merger can result in difficulty disengaging from that role when in another setting, or when no longer occupying the same position in society. This accounts for some pastors’ difficulties in disengaging from their role when they no longer have a pastoral charge.

Role Acquisition

According to Thornton and Nardi (1980) there are four stages in role acquisition – anticipatory, formal, informal and personal. In this process the individual moves from a passive acceptance of role, to actively engaging in and shaping the role. For a role to be fully acquired, the individual needs to move through anticipation, formal and informal expectations, the formulation of one’s own expectations, and have reconciled these various facets so that the final outcome is acceptable.

In the role set, there are two groups of people who impinge on role acquisition – those who have a similar role, and those who have reciprocal roles. The incumbent in the role also has expectations of the role, which also impinge on role acquistion.

Expectations in acquiring a role are both overt and covert involving ‘in part an increasing awareness of implicit as well as explicit expectations encompassing attitudes and values, and knowledge and skills in addition to behaviour’ (Thornton and Nardi 1980: 872).

Both social and psychological adjustment are required in role acquisition, and adaptation, ‘where the role is internalized and assimilated so that in a sense the person and role become inseparable’ (Ibid. p.873), may occur.

In the anticipatory period, the first view of role comes from generalized sources. In this initial stage, Thornton and Nardi say that it ‘is usually colored by what individuals want and need… however, because it is influenced in this way, because it is idealized, and because individuals fantasize about future roles, anticipation may not be congruent with what will actually be experienced’ (p.875). How well the person adjusts to the role will actually depend on the degree of congruence between what is anticipated and what actually transpires in the role.

In the formal stage, the person experiences the role as an incumbent, and begins to relate to the role from the inside. Expectations now come from three sources – others in a similar role, those in reciprocal roles, and the expectations of the incumbent who responds, at least in part, to the expectations of others. At this stage, persons will often postpone the meeting of their own needs until they are familiar with the role.

During the informal stage there are encounters with the unofficial or informal expectations and ways of doing things. Role colleagues are often more important at this stage than those in reciprocal roles. This is where psychological adjustment begins in earnest, because ‘through the freedom allowed, one can start to formulate his own meanings for a role and its performance’ (Thornton and Nardi 1980: 879) – required for effective role performance.

Role acquistion is not simply the person adjusting to the expectations of others: the person imposes their own style on their role performance. When the self and the role are incongruent, there will be resultant problems of social and psychological adjustment. It is when the person has been able to fuse themselves with their role, that they will derive most satisfaction from their roles.

Role Pressure

Role pressure can come from many sources, and can be a source of tension and psychological stress. Kahn et al. (1964) isolate six forms of role stress:

a. Inter-sender conflict, where the demands of one person in a role set conflict with or are incompatible with the demands of another person in the set, b. Intra-sender conflict – mutually contradictory demands from a single person in the role set c. Inter-role conflict, resulting from different expectations within the role d. Person-role conflict where the expectations of the role are in conflict with the person’s values, beliefs or self concept e. Role overload – too many demands in too little time f. Role ambiguity, where expectations are not clearly defined, and the person is unsure as to how to behave.

Bedeian and Armenakis (1981) found that role conflict had greater influence on tension than role ambiguity. Both decrease job satisfaction, and increase the propensity to leave. This has been substantiated in other research (Kahn et al.1964; Thomson and Powers, 1983). Role ambiguity and role conflict are highly subjective and therefore difficult to measure.

Role Dissonance

The concept of role dissonance has been developed by Brandon (1986) from Festinger’s (1957) theory of cognitive dissonance. Cognitive dissonance occurs when there are two cognitions dissonant with each other, causing pressure which the individual will seek to reduce or eliminate. Brandon is concerned with internal states, assessed by verbal reports on introspection. Objectively, this is then related to the minister’s perceptions of the expectations of key role-attitudes and role-behaviours, their perceptions of the expectations of their people in relation to the same attitudes and behaviours, and the actual role-expectations of their people. In Brandon’s development of role dissonance, the cognitions that are potentially dissonant may be inter- or intra-personal.

Role Transition

Burr (1972:407) defines role transition as ‘the process of moving in and out of roles in a social system. It may involve the addition or termination of a role without any change in other roles; or it could be the termination of one or more roles and the concomitant beginning of another’. Transition then occurs both on entering and exiting a role. Burr sees this to be two different processes, influenced in different ways by different variables. ‘Generally speaking, it seems that the greater the amount of normative change that is occurring in a person’s life, the greater the difficulty that would be expected in making any transition’ (Burr 1972:414).

Transition is an important type of change because of its influence on behaviour and social identity. Role enactment will be dependent upon the person’s self concept and social identity, and conversely ‘role enactment has a strong impact on self and social identity’ (Allen 1984:7). There are many potential causes of role transitions, ‘but a reasonable classification would include the following as important categories: chance events, societal forces, change in role senders, and capability or motives of the focal person’ (Ibid. p.11).

Role Shock

Minkler and Biller applying cross-cultural understandings of role shock to role transitions, define role shock as ‘the stresses and tensions manifested as discontinuity encountered when moving from familiar to unfamiliar roles’ (1979:127). These stresses and tensions can be social, psychological and/or physiological. ‘Role shock may be as critically linked with role leaving as it is with the taking on of a new role, particularly when the role one leaves behind is heavily bound up with his or her identity’ (Ibid).

In role shock the person is required to change their self/role conceptions. Such an encounter will often be manifested in a reversion to past roles or retreating into professionalism (Minkler and Biller 1979:131). To resolve role shock there may need to be a ‘basic restructuring of the self’ (Ibid. p.134). People in role shock will often seek out ‘bridge’ people to help facilitate the transition. This is considered a highly adaptive response. Minkler and Biller advise that

the propensity for role shock in the movement through careers thus points up the need for easing the transitions both into and out of the work role, such that the “critical junctures” of job entry, occupational change, unemployment, and retirement become less critical and thus less likely to invoke major stresses and their sequelae (Ibid. p.137).

Role Exit

The stages in role exit, from first doubts encountered in the role, seeking out alternatives, the turning point and creating the ex-role, have been delineated by Ebaugh.

Role exit for Ebaugh is ‘the process of disengagement from a role that is central to one’s self-identity and the reestablishment of an identity in a new role that takes into account one’s ex-role’ (p.1). Exes experience the pains of disengagement and disidentification and varying degrees of freedom in creating a new identity. It is important, however, if an ex is to become a well integrated and whole person, to incorporate that past history into his or her current identity: ‘Exes tend to maintain role residual or some kind of “hangover identity” from a previous role as they move into new social roles’ (p.5).

APPENDIX ONE

Helen Rose Fuchs Ebaugh, Becoming an Ex: The Process of Role Exit. Foreword by Robert K. Merton. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press. 1988.

Ebaugh (an ex Catholic nun) describes the role-exit process and what is involved in creating an ex-role identity: themes, she says, universally experienced by humans, but not adequately studied by sociologists. We have all exited childhood and school, and more people than ever are exiting marriages, careers, religious groups, or stigmatized roles such as alcoholic, or drug user. For some of these we use the ‘ex-‘ prefix: ex-doctor, ex-policeman, ex-con, ex-cult member. All exes have this in common – they once identified with a social role which they no longer have.

Role exit is ‘the process of disengagement from a role that is central to one’s self-identity and the reestablishment of an identity in a new role that takes into account one’s ex-role’ (p.1). Exes experience the pains of disengagement and disidentification and varying degrees of freedom in creating a new identity. It is important, however, if an ex is to become a well integrated and whole person, to incorporate that past history into his or her current identity: ‘Exes tend to maintain role residual or some kind of “hangover identity” from a previous role as they move into new social roles’ (p.5).

Ebaugh’s data are derived from 185 semi-structured interviews with a variety of voluntary exes: ex-nuns, former police officers, teachers, doctors and semi-professionals; retirees, divorcees and mothers who have surrendered custody of their children; former convicts, alcoholics and transsexuals. Although ex ‘ministers’ only get five brief mentions (pp. 95,128,138,197,202), Ebaugh’s role-exit research and theorizing are nevertheless valuable tools for the study of ex-pastors.

She adopted a qualitative ‘grounded theory’ approach to interviewing (Glaser and Strauss 1967; Glaser 1978; Charmaz 1983), and uses insights from both the structuralists and symbolic interactionists: ‘Role exiting can occur only in the context of both a role-taking and a role-making perspective’ (p.19). (I have critiqued role theory – and role theories – and grounded theory elsewhere).

Ebaugh argues that there are four major stages in most exiters’ experience: doubting, seeking and weighing of role alternatives, negotiating turning points, and establishing an ex-role identity. Further, there are eleven salient properties of the role-exit process: the degree of voluntariness, the centrality of the role, reversibility and duration, degree of control, individual versus group (cohort) exits, single versus multiple exits, social desirability (or stigma) associated with the exit, degree of institutionalization associated with exiting (cf. rites of passage), awareness, and sequentiality.

The first definable stage of role exiting involves doubting, questioning a situation that was once taken for granted. Doubting may be triggered by four categories of circumstances: organizational changes (eg. for Roman Catholic nuns, redefinitions of their Church’s authority sparked by the Second Vatican Council); burnout (a function of the clash between idealistic expectations and reality, Freudenberger 1974); disappointments or drastic changes in relationships; and specific triggering events. During this stage the dissatisfied individual generally emits cues, which may, in retrospect, justify the role change. Interactions with significant others is important for reality testing: these encounters may or may not be ‘therapeutic’, depending on perceptions of others’ reactions, as they confirm, dissuade, or suggest alternatives.

Another variable in the doubting process is its duration, which may be a function of the person’s perception of the amount of control the institution has on their decision to exit, and whether other doubters are providing social support during this painful time. If there is a cohort making the exit this can shorten the doubting time.

In the second stage, the exiter seeks alternative roles – an evaluative process which may have rational or nonrational elements in it. That is, exiters seek alternatives before making the final decision to leave. Among the overwhelming majority of respondents this process always included five steps. (1) They weigh alternatives, evaluating the degree of satisfaction and reward a particular course of action will have (see Thibaut and Kelley 1959). This also contains a consideration of the translatability of skills and experience to another vocation: ‘role entrapment’ may result from a lack of viable alternatives (Dworkin 1986, Ebaugh 1977). In addition, there are accrued ‘side bets’ (Becker 1960) which will be sacrificed if the exit process is followed through – these are the side benefits which are not directly related to the job but which have added value to it (friendships, status, security, emotional attachments etc.) Important here is the ‘childhood dream’ of fulfilling a certain vocation, (eg. ‘a minister who had always dreamed of being a minister’ p.95), which must now be sacrificed. (2) Social support is tested. The high cost of leaving may involve negative criticism from family members for example, and the fear of stigma may also be significant. (3) There is an assessment and realization of the freedom to choose. When some of the nuns found that their vows were revocable they were euphoric. (4) ‘Anticipatory socialization’ involves identifying with the values, norms, attitudes and expectations of those holding the role being considered. These reference groups serve three major functions for the individual oriented towards them: comparative functions (to help in one’s evaluating oneself compared to others), normative functions (setting and maintaining standards), and gate-keeping functions (groups or individuals to whom one looks for approval or support of actions or decision). (5) Finally some form or real or imaginary role rehearsal takes place (San Giovanni 1978), indicating that the process of making a final decision is close at hand.

The duration of the process of seeking alternatives depends on such factors as ‘reversibility of the exit, degree of social support, social desirability of the exit, degree of institutionalization, status as a lone traveler or as part of a group, and, finally, degree of awareness of the process occurring’ (pp. 117-118). ‘The longer and more deliberative the process, the easier was the postexit adjustment’ (p.120).

Having weighed options, there comes a turning point: ‘an event that mobilizes and focuses awareness that old lines of action are complete, have failed, have been disrupted, or are no longer personally satisfying and provides individuals with the opportunity to do something different with their lives’ (p. 123). Again, Ebaugh suggests five types of turning points: (1) specific events – ‘occurrences that crystallize one’s ambivalence toward a current role and place the choice to exit in bold relief’ (p.125); (2) an event that becomes ‘the last straw’; (3) time-related factors (eg. mid-life, or a ‘socially expected duration ‘ Merton 1984); (4) excuses (eg. health problems or injuries which may elicit sympathy rather than stigma); and (5) either- or alternatives which make the exit a matter or urgency.

The turning point serves three functions: it is a focal point for announcing one’s decision to others; it helps in the reduction of cognitive dissonance (Festinger 1957); and facilitates the mobilization of emotional and social resources needed to exit. Role exiters experience many emotions, from relief to fear and apprehension and failure. Three quarters of the sample felt in limbo, in a vacuum at some point – a period of lostness shorter for those who could build ‘bridges’ in their previous roles to further jobs, and who had the support of family and friends.

The final stage of the exit process involves the creation of the ex-role, as a new identity is formed within the constraints of others’ expectations. There are six issues here. (1) Cues are emitted presenting the new identity to others (cf. Goffman’s notion of impression management, 1959a). (2) But ex-statuses are often more salient to others than current roles: there are the lingering effects of social labels attached to the former identity of, for example, divorcees or widows or ex-cons. ‘Status degradation’ and social stigma are associated with socially undesirable roles (Garfinkel 1956). The process of ‘labeling’ is involved here – attaching names to categories of people that become self-fulfilling prophecies (Kitsuse 1962; Lemert 1951, 1967; Scheff 1966; Schur 1971; Liska 1981). (3) Exes whose role switch has a salient gender content (prostitutes, nuns, transsexuals etc.) have huge adjustments to make in terms of intimate relationships. (4) There are inevitably changes in friendship networks. (5) Relating to former members and other exes is important for many (hence the proliferation of self-help groups). (6) Finally there is the matter of role residual: ‘Some roles are put on and taken off like clothing without lasting effects. Other roles are difficult to put aside when a situation is changed and continue to color the way in which many of the individual’s roles are performed’ (Turner 1978,1). Role residual is the ‘continued identity an individual holds with aspects of a previous role’ (p. 174). Those exiting professional and semi-professional roles tend to have more role residual than those exiting nonprofessional roles. ‘As individuals internalize a professional role, they define themselves in terms of role expectations’ (ibid.). Why? The public keeps reminding the individual of the exiting; there is the special training involved; many circumstances remind the exiter of their previous role (cf. ex-pastors who ‘suffer’ a weekly reminder when they attend church services); and role residual lingers in dreams, because of the deep-seated memories of the anguish involved in the decision-making process.

Summary and Conclusions. According to Ebaugh, ‘socialization literature has deemphasized the issue of disengagement and placed emphasis on the new role one is acquiring [and has also] placed little amphasis on the impact of role residual or the holdover identity derived from a prvious status. Role exit theory, on the other hand, emphasizes the impact of previous role identification on current concepts of self. Also unique in the role-exiting process is the impact of social reactions to an individual that are based on a previous role. A major challenge to the exiter is learning to deal with the reactions of other people to who one used to be’ (pp. 182-3).

An appendix on ‘The Therapeutic Impact of the Information Interview’ notes that in contexts where an ex is the subject, ‘information-seeking questions and therapeutic consequences often coexist’ (p.213). Textbooks on interviewing put little if any emphasis on how to deal with catharsis on the part of the interviewee An exception is Rubin (1974, and Rubin and Mitchell 1976) who examined the unintended effects of studying close relationships. While skilled interviewers are constantly on guard against displaying any reaction which might modify or influence the respondent’s answer to a question (p.216), surely we must not neglect ‘formal training of interviewers with regard to appropriate and humane responses to such situations’ (p.223).

Loic J.D. Wacquant, ‘Exiting Roles or Exiting Role Theory? Critical Notes on Ebaugh’s Becoming an Ex’, Acta Sociologica 1990 (33), 4:397-404.

Wacquant believes the principal merit of Becoming an Ex is empirical and analytical. ‘The process of disassociating and disidentifying had hitherto received scant attention across types (emphasis his) of social positions and statuses. Ebaugh presents and contrasts a wealth of interesting materials in a way that cannot but titillate the comparative imagination of the reader’ (p.399).

However she is criticized for degenerating ‘into a ‘type atomism’ as some typologies – that of turning points for instance – have a strong ad hoc flavor, with residual “catch-all” categories that provide little analytic assistance in the work of comparison… Many assertions are merely argued on the basis of common sense reasoning rather than rigorously related to the interview results… [Thus] the empirical material is often loosely juxtaposed to the theoretical argument’ (p.399).

More seriously, Wacquant has problems with the theoretical framework itself. Ebaugh has built her theory on conceptual tools drawn from role theory a la Linton, Merton and Parsons… ‘[which] at minimum… are sorely out of touch with the current theoretical mood with its concerns over action (in the rational mode with Coleman and Becker or the interpretive one with ethnomethodology), life-world (Habermas) encoded cultural categories (Geertz, Sahlins) or practice (Bourdieu, Foucault). Because Ebaugh’s analysis remains trapped within the discursive space of functionalist social psychology (emphasis his), at no time does she confront what other paradigms might have to say about “role exit” or how, to be more precise, they would differently construct the empirical phenomena that correspond to it’ (p. 400).

Notwithstanding Ebaugh’s consideration of both role taking and role making, Wacquant claims that ‘role theory perpetuates the rigid dichotomy of action and structure, takes the character and definition of roles as given and fixed and introduces a bias toward normative consensus in social analysis… Role theory lacks a theory of action and therefore cannot account for the logic that informs the practical strategies whereby agents and institutions make and break, take and forsake “roles”‘ (p.400). Thus while role theory can provide a descriptive terminology, it ‘contains no theoretical principle for explaining the very phenomenon it highlights because it has no dynamic mechanism, no motor of action’ (ibid).

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This list includes references cited in the text as well as other works that are relevant to the topic of role exit.

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Book Review/Essay

SHATTERED VOWS: EXODUS FROM THE PRIESTHOOD

(by David Rice, London: Michael Joseph, 1989)

It is better that scandals arise than that truth be silenced. St. Gregory the Great

The sexuality (or asexuality) and sexual practices (or celibacy) of holy people have always fascinated other mortals. When moralistic televangelists have their adulteries exposed, the news pushes superpower politics to page three. Morris West’s story of the spiritual and sexual struggles of a candidate for sainthood in The Devil’s Advocate sells over sixteen million copies, and is made into a film. Another bestseller – John Updike’s A Month of Sundays – describes in erotic detail the scandal of Rev. Tom Marshfield’s adventures with ladies in his parish. Andrew Greeley’s novels about the sins of cardinals etc. make us wonder how a celibate priest can know so much about some things. And for some real-life stories about the sexual frustrations of Catholic priests and religious there is the 525-page book (with index and selected bibliography) Desire and Denial: Sexuality and Vocation – a Church in Crisis by Gordon Thomas (London: Grafton Books, 1986).

Priestly and pastoral infidelity is now a matter for serious sociological study. The book Sexual Practices & the Medieval Church has been placed in the two-hour loan reserve section of Melbourne’s Monash University library. An article titled ‘Puritan perverts’ in The Sociological Review (February 1985) lists amazingly disparate male and female religious leaders accused of various improprieties. (Why? Researcher Steve Bruce suggests two factors: opportunity, and emotionally charged settings in which people are ‘religious o’ermuch’). Conservative evangelical Christianity Today’s ‘Leadership’ magazine devoted its Winter ’88 issue to such matters as ‘After the Affair: A [Pastor’s] Wife’s Story’, and ‘Private Sins of Public Ministry’. I photocopied an excellent article from Ministry (January 1987) – ‘Battling Sexual Indiscretion’ (‘Is your sex drive under control? Why are ministers more vulnerable than most other people?’) – to hand out at clergy conferences. A recent issue of Australian Ministry (May 1990) contains an evocative fable ‘Sexual Harassment in the Church’. Then we have Newsweek (Sept. 11, 1989) and other magazines running articles like ‘When a Pastor Turns Seducer’…

The latest offering in this genre, David Rice’s Shattered Vows: Exodus from the Priesthood, is a passionate plea to the Roman Catholic church to make celibacy optional and open its priesthood to married clergy. His statistics are alarming: an estimated 100,000 priests worldwide have left active ministry over a 25-year period, with another 200,000 priests ‘failing to observe celibacy’ (p.171). During the same period we have witnessed a serious decline in vocations: in the year 2000 the U.S. will have seen the number of priests diminish by half, with an average age of 65!

David Rice is a laicised Irish Dominican, and head of the Dublin School of Journalism. He spent a year traveling the world talking to priests, bishops, and ex-priests (442 of them) and their families. Rice is careful to preserve anonymity when requested, but a lot of people are willing to be identified. He chronicles many heroic commitments to ministry and but also struggles (by priests wearing ‘give-away’ grey faces) with loneliness, and disillusionment with the church-as-unfeeling-institution. He is brutally honest – particularly about ‘the shadow side of celibacy’ (that will be the chapter you’ll hear about in the secular media when this book hits the fan). He writes as a participant observer: Rice left the priesthood in 1977 to marry.

This book offers a devastating critique of two related matters: the institutional bureaucracy of the Roman Catholic church, and that Church’s rationale for clerical celibacy.

1. The Church-as-institution. Malcolm Muggeridge once said he’d like to take Jesus around the Vatican and watch his reactions. Well-known parish priest in London’s Bayswater parish, Father Michael Hollings, said to the author: ‘Canon law is strangling the Church. I think if Jesus Christ came today, he’d be condemned by the Curia’ (p.144). ‘The deeper into the institutional Church I penetrated,’ Rice complains, ‘the higher up the pyramid of Church authority I went, the more indifference and sometimes cruelty I encountered’ (p.66). ‘[Other groups’] harshness is usually softened by structures like courts and juries to ensure fair play. But the Church has not yet developed such structures, so there is nothing to protect the individual from the fury of its defense mechanisms’ (p.89). Happy priests tend to distance themselves from the issues and agendas of the institutional Church (p.146). And one study published by U.S. bishops found the most frequently mentioned reason for priests leaving was a ‘feeling that they could no longer live within the structure of the Church… Priests leave because they perceive the changes in thinking at Vatican Two have not been made concrete through parallel changes in structure’ (p.177).

The worst structure, says Rice, is clericalism, the essence of which is a kind of ecclesiastical apartheid. And ‘the great bulwark of clericalism [is] enforced celibacy’ (p.190).

2. Celibacy. Priest-sociologist Andrew Greeley (Confessions of a Parish Priest) says his research proves that Humanae Vitae (the birth-control encyclical) is the main reason Catholics are leaving their Church. David Rice is absolutely sure that compulsory celibacy is the main reason priests leave that Church. Celibacy, when it works, works very well, but when it does not work, it can be horrid. Celibacy is not chastity: celibacy is the permanent state of being unmarried. Chastity, for the unmarried, means abstaining from genital sexual activity. Compulsory celibacy, says Rice ‘simply does not work’ (pp.157, 172 etc.). He cites one study which estimated that at any one time no more than 50 per cent of American priests practise celibacy (p.170).

There are powerful arguments for freely chosen celibacy, but none for enforced celibacy. So why insist on it? For part of the answer we must go back to the Council of Trent. Protestants were recommending marriage for priests, insisting that celibacy was God’s gift only to a few. ‘Therefore’, says Rice, (quoting a Professor Jedin), ‘the Church entrenched its position and did not let itself discuss the problem…’ (p.222).

And so you have anomalies like a resigned married priest in Columbia being put in jail after celebrating Mass, for ‘usurping the powers of the clergy’ (p.123), whilst in other dioceses bishops are sometimes allowing married priests to continue their ordained ministries. Indeed, the American National Opinion Research Centre says 79% of Catholics would prefer a married priest as their pastor (p.198).

The final article in the Code of Canon Law is ‘In ecclesia, suprema lex, salus animarum’ – in the Church, the supreme law is the salvation of souls. But millions of souls now exist without priest and eucharist because of the Vatican’s ‘putting people’s needs last, and the institution’s survival first’ (p.190). Sociologist Robert Merton has shown that bureaucracies are degenerative. They end up defending their own entrenched interests (especially their power) before the needs of those they were founded to serve. Pharisaism is essentially putting mechanical obedience to regulations above the human needs of people (p.185). The ban on contraception and the enforcement of celibacy are both undermining the credibility of the Church-as-institution. As is the widespread practice of turning a blind eye to the priest and house-keeper living in adultery, but withholding dispensations from those who want to legitimize their relationship. ‘So we find the Vatican forbidding employment of married priests, withholding dispensations from men long married, sometimes until their deathbed, and failing in the simple courtesy of even acknowledging receipt of the petitions for dispensation. And we hear of the Pope saying, “I’m in no hurry. We didn’t leave them: they left us.” I suppose it is understandable: the institution perceives the married priest as a threat to its structures. But it is sad, and so different from the father of the Prodigal Son, who came running to meet him’ (p.242).

A footnote: David Rice wonders (p.44) why ex-priests ‘are not sought out and cared for by the Church they once served.’ It’s the supreme ‘forbidden topic: those 100,000 have ceased to exist’ (p.238). It’s not only a Catholic problem. Many of the estimated 10,000 ex-clergy in Australia from all denominations feel betrayed by their churches.

David Rice, Shattered Vows: Exodus from the Priesthood (London: Michael Joseph, 1989, hb, 280pp. Available in Australia from Penguin Books, 487 Maroondah Highway, Ringwood, 3134. RRP $35).

Rowland Croucher

Rowland Croucher is an Australian Baptist pastor, working full-time as a writer and speaker at clergy and church leaders’ conferences. He is currently doing research on the topic ‘Ex-Clergy: What Happens when Pastors leave the Parish Ministry’.

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