Given the Party’s intolerance toward social organizations
that could
be perceived as constituting a political threat and its fear
that
foreign political forces hostile to China will use religious

involvement in China as a means of forcing political change,
the Party
will likely continue its efforts to force all Christians to
function
within the bounds of the officially-recognized church
structures and
to curtail activities, particularly organized evangelism and

unofficial contacts with foreign Christians, that occur
outside these
bounds. However, enforcement of religious regulations will
vary
widely geographically and depending upon the political
climate.

Within the larger society, the church can be expected to
remain a
minority and to be treated as such. Although the Chinese
constitution
guarantees freedom of religion, this freedom does not extend
to
Communist Party members. The increasing number of Party
members who
become Christians may expect reprisals. Because the Party
remains the
most important ladder for social advancement, Christians
will continue
to be discriminated against in the areas of education and
employment.

As is happening today, children and youth who show an
interest in
Christianity will be dissuaded from their faith by a Party
intent on
recruiting them into its ranks, particularly if they exhibit

exceptional talent or academic potential or if they come
from families
with a history of political involvement. Yet, at the same
time,
China’s move toward privatization of the economy and less
state
control over every area of society could give Christians
more “space”
in which to witness and live out their faith.

The replacement last year of the more moderate Bishop Ding
Guangxun by
Han Wenzao as head of the Three-Self Patriotic Movement
(TSPM),
China’s official Protestant organization, suggests that the
Party is
giving the TSPM less autonomy and instead wants tighter
control over
its activities. Han, a layman, has long been considered to
play a
political “watchdog” role within the TSPM. The Party is
thus
affirming the political role of the TSPM.

At the same time, like other organizations in Chinese
society, the
TSPM is being expected to find creative ways to attract
resources,
including cultivating overseas contacts. To do this
requires that
TSPM officials discourage overseas groups from supporting
the
unofficial churches in China and instead channeling their
resources
toward the official church. For these reasons, it is not
likely that
the influence of the TSPM will decline in the near future.
Rather,
the TSPM will endeavor to maintain its monopoly on
Protestant
Christian activities in China and ministry directed toward
the church
from outside China.

The most pressing needs in both the registered and
unregistered
churches will continue to be trained leaders, Bibles, and
materials
for Christian growth. Spiritual discernment and the ability
to
distinguish the “essentials” of the Christian faith from
those
doctrines which may be open to discussion or various
interpretations
appear to be particularly critical areas for teaching.

Training for intellectuals in the emerging churches that
belong
neither to the official church nor the traditional house
churches is
an especially pressing need, as many of these individuals
may be
expected to assume important posts in society and possibly
within the
church itself in the future. In order to consolidate the
fruits of
widespread revival, the church will have to pay more
attention to
matters of church administration.

The church in China needs to develop a theology of its own
which
incorporates the lessons learned during the past decades of
separation from foreign leadership followed by suffering
under a
hostile regime. As Christians emerge from being an isolated
segment
of society and find themselves increasingly in positions of
influence
as “salt and light,” the church will need to develop a more
holistic
view of ministry.

Believers who find themselves having access to financial
resources
will have to learn lessons of Biblical stewardship.
Anticipating
greater opportunities for witness in years to come, some
Chinese
Christians are already thinking about obtaining training in
the areas
of publishing, mass communications, information technology,
education, counseling, social work, and even law and
government.

Recognizing the needs that exist both within the official
and the
unofficial church in China, concerned Christians overseas
would do
well to avoid making judgments about either segment of the
Chinese
church and instead consider their respective roles in
serving the
whole church in China, realizing that God may call His
people to
minister in various ways and through various channels.

The church in Hong Kong has traditionally enjoyed a close
relationship with Hong Kong’s colonial rulers, who have
given the
church responsibility for much of Hong Kong’s social service

infrastructure. Under the benevolent governance of Britain,
the
church found little incentive to take a prophetic stance
vis-a-vis the
colony’s political leaders and generally stayed away from
political
issues.

In post-1997 Hong Kong, church leaders are faced with the
task of
reshaping their view of government. The entrenched position
of the
church as a provider of social services, the desire to
continue
expansion of ministries in Hong Kong, and a sense of mission

concerning the Mainland promote acquiescence toward the
Beijing
government and its representatives. At the same time, some
Christian
leaders and lay people, concerned about eroding social and
political
freedoms in Hong Kong and persecution of the church on the
Mainland,
would call the church to a more prophetic role.

It will be up to the Hong Kong church to balance these
interests.
One spokesman for the Hong Kong church has advised
Christians
overseas to take their cues not only from Hong Kong church
leaders
who have an entrenched interest in the status quo but also
to be
ready to encourage those who believe the church should play
a more
active role in setting the future course of Hong Kong
society.

Implications for Christian involvement

The current situation in China suggests the following
considerations
for outside Christian involvement:

.Given that an unprecedented work of God is taking place in
the
church in China, we should first consider what God wants to
teach us
through this phenomenon and seek to apply these lessons to
our own
hearts.

.Compared to ministry in many Western countries, serving in
China may appear to have many limitations; yet, we should
focus on
what can be done creatively, not on what cannot be done.

.We should not condition our service on certain changes
taking
place within the Chinese political system or view as our
central task
the alteration or demise of this system, and care should be
taken to
insure that efforts to serve China and its church are not
identified
with political motives or activities.

.Recognizing the lingering negative identification of
Christianity
with hostile Western powers in the minds of many Chinese, we
should
take pains to avoid any actions or attitudes which may be
culturally
offensive to the Chinese people.

.Acknowledging that the indigenous Chinese church is God’s
chosen
vessel for reaching China with the Gospel, we must gauge all

activities in terms of their impact upon God’s people in
China.

.We are one Body but are called to serve China in different
ways;
undermining another’s service in order to further our own is
a sin
against the Body of Christ.

.In the spirit of empowering Chinese Christians while
avoiding
dependency, we should focus resources on building up people,
not
institutions, in China.
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